FEB. 26, 2010 – Keeping felons in prison or letting some out early is a tough funding question once again bedeviling Statehouse legislators. The state Budget and Control Board on Monday met with S.C. Department of Corrections Director Jon Ozmint about his agency’s burgeoning annual deficit, which has grown from a few million dollars three years ago to nearly $30 million this fiscal year.
Board members, who oversee much of the state’s financial doings, voted to allow Corrections to continue to carry its $29 million deficit. One member, Senate Finance Chairman Hugh Leatherman (R-Florence) suggested that Ozmint should look into the early release of 3,000 inmates.
Leatherman, referring to non-violent and first-time offenders, went on to ask if Ozmint would place those 3,000 in a supervised furlough program. Ozmint declined to do so saying he needed specific state legislation before he did this, according to Corrections spokesman Josh Gelinas.
Legislators say Ozmint has authority for early release
Several legislators, including Senate Corrections and Penology Committee Chairman Sen. Mike Fair (R-Greenville), have since come forward to say that Ozmint does, in fact, already have the authority to do early releases.
Leatherman’s suggestion hearkens back to budget fights in past years when a similar request was made. Each time a powerful senator has asked about early releases, Ozmint has declined, apparently more intent on fulfilling his duty as the state’s top jailer than on helping legislators in their attempts to be frugal.
Two years ago, Ozmint staked out his position on early release after being asked to create a list of options his agency could employ in handling an across-the-board 10-percent budget cut.
In that response, Ozmint laid out a plan that would essentially move up the release date of every inmate by one to six months, regardless of crime category. That would mean convicted killers and rapists would have seen their sentences accelerated at the same rate as non-violent drug possessors.
Ozmint took pains repeatedly in that report, which echoed in the halls of the Statehouse this week, to emphasize that he did not support the notion of early release. Because Ozmint again dug in his heels this week, state leaders are in a tough political situation.
Tight budget causes problems
Money is incredibly tight this year in the state’s General Fund budget -- so tight that some have complained that the projected budget would return state K-12 education funding levels to that of 15 years ago.
The situation at Corrections is tough enough. Like public education, prison systems’ budgets are largely dedicated to salaries. Mid-year budget cuts, which have come aplenty the last few years in South Carolina state government, hit Education and Corrections arguably harder because both are less program-centric than some agencies.
“To save money, we would have to shed employees, and if we have to shed employees, we would have to close prisons,” Gelinas said this week.
In the past two years, Corrections has said that to make its books balance it would have to close upward of five prison facilities, mothballing them until money was available to reopen them.
Currently, Corrections maintains 28 facilities, has an average daily population of just over 24,000 inmates, has close to 6,000 employees, but is nearly 500 workers short of its full-time allocation, according to House Ways and Means documents. Additionally, the agency’s current annual budget of $397 million is a mere $2.5 million more than it was three years ago.
Well-timed request by Leatherman
Leatherman’s early release request seemed to be well timed. A crime bill passed the House this week, sentencing reform efforts have been drawing bipartisan support, and the state could use any spare dollar.
S.C. Attorney General Henry McMaster, running for governor, has pushed the idea of creating a “middle court” and redirecting more first-time and drug-related criminals away from costly prison beds and into money-saving diversionary programs.
Additionally, an omnibus sentencing reform bill has come out of a bipartisan panel chaired by Sen. Gerald Malloy (R-Darlington) that would change how many offenses are punished, reserving prison beds for more dangerous criminals.
Fair, the senator who heads the Corrections committee, said that Ozmint taking the “nuclear option” of early release for all or for none at all, has meant that state politicians could be forced into “making a decision that no politician wants to make: whether to release prisoners.”
Tough policy choice
Heightening the tough decision would be the probable reality that early release wouldn’t become a one-time policy, but would likely grow into an ongoing situation as the state is expected to struggle to balance its books and spending for years to come.
Fair said while he didn’t agree with Ozmint’s stance, he said it coincided with voter sentiment. “Prison is precisely where they (voters) want those people until they have exhausted” their “debt to society,” said Fair.
As a result, Fair said he thought it would take “nothing short of a court order for Ozmint to agree to early release. He would double up cells, put inmate on gymnasium floors -- anything to press the envelope rather than [succumb] to early release.”
Fair said the timing on sentencing reform is probably bad for this session.
“With the House taking furloughs all over the place, and the Senate planning an extended Easter vacation, I don’t think there’s enough time,” said Fair, one of the bill’s co-sponsors. “It’s a big issue and I think there will be need for serious discussion that’s just not in this year’s calendar.”
Crystal ball: Prisoners aren’t going to be going anywhere. With the Budget and Control Board voting this week to allow Corrections to continue running its massive deficit, there will be little push from within for early release. And this year’s House elections in November means early release probably won’t have big champions in the House because politicians know to stay “tough on crime” if they want to keep their seats. Next year may be a different story, as the state continues to slog through dismal budgets. But, if the economy has rebounded, and state coffers will be fuller in coming years, the bigger question may soon become whether sentencing reform, which received a push from the depressed economy, will survive.