NOV. 7, 2014 -- While this week’s mid-term general election didn’t bring out about major change in South Carolina’s political landscape -- far from it -- three “isms” did emerge: factionalism, regionalism and “incumbent-ism.”
Four years ago, the Lowcountry had what looked like a chokehold on state politics, with the five top statewide offices being held by its residents:
- Gov. Mark Sanford hailed from a plantation near Beaufort;
- Lt. Gov. Andre Bauer, with houses in as many congressional districts as he could afford, lived at the time in downtown Charleston;
- Charlestonian Glenn McConnell was the president pro tempore of the state Senate;
- Bobby Harrell lived in the same area in Charleston and was still House Speaker;
- And former state representative from Summerville Converse Chellis was treasurer, having replaced yet another Charlestonian, Thomas Ravenel.
Power shifts
This was not the first time a region of the state dominated the top five, as evidenced by the Upstate’s dominance during Gov. Carroll Campbell’s tenure, which included Speaker David Wilkins, Lt. Gov. Nick Theodore and others.
Fast forward to Tuesday’s election and there was only one candidate (Ginny Deerin for secretary of state) from the Lowcountry on the ballot for statewide positions.
Now that the election results are in, it is apparent that the political power base has shifted from the Lowcountry to the Pee Dee/Midlands portion of the state.
Both House Speaker Jay Lucas (R-Hartsville) and President Pro Tempore Hugh Leatherman (R-Florence), also chair of the Finance Committee, are from the Pee Dee.
The Columbia area, center of the Midlands, is home to not only Gov. Nikki Haley, but also for Treasurer Curtis Loftis and Henry McMaster, who will be sworn in as the state’s new lieutenant governor in January.
But several observers said not to read too much into the geographical homes of the officeholders because proximity did not lead to true dominance. As evidence, look to “milk” remaining the state’s official beverage during the Lowcountry’s rein, versus something a bit more inebriating, one observer cracked.
USC political scientist Todd Shaw said while there may be some consolidation of power in the center of the state, voters were not going into voting booths influenced by the candidates’ addresses.
A quick look at committees in the Senate shows the Upstate still has power, as evidenced by the nine of 14 chairs of committees from the region. The Pee Dee and Lowcountry each have two Senate chairs, with only one hailing from the Midlands.
Winthrop political scientist Scott Huffmon, boss of the state’s most influential polling center, agreed, saying voters picked candidates that were closest to their political hot-button issues.
Factionalism
Four years ago, a Republican candidate was going door-to-door discovered an important trend, according to a player requesting anonymity: voters were angry. Obamacare topped the list of things they were angry about, and fueled much of the power behind the rise of the tea party faction of the Republican Party, the player said.
Statewide, GOP candidates quickly became very reactive to the rising anger and power base, taking more aggressively conservative positions to mollify intemperate voters, by all accounts. By tapping into that anger early, the GOP may have insulated itself in South Carolina in 2014.
Last week’s election also may have shown the tea party’s thrall weakening over the right-wing of the state Republican Party, according to Huffmon. He said the partiers had made their big push to oust U.S. Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) in the primary, but to no avail.
That push may have also prompted an “all hands on deck” call in the state Democratic Party to get state Sen. Brad Hutto (R-Orangeburg) into office, the thinking being that a tea party candidate might be too far right for the majority of South Carolina voters.
With Graham squashing all comers in the primary, Huffmon said the tea party faction was “keeping its powder dry” during Tuesday’s election.
That same observer drew parallels with the mid-1990s success of the Moral Majority, which faded during mid-term elections.
The tea party’s anger, it appears, just wasn’t there in South Carolina this year, but no one interviewed for this article thinks the faction’s days are done in the Palmetto State.
Incumbentism
How could state Sen. Vincent Sheheen (D-Camden) hope to beat Gov. Haley in his second attempt with the state and national economies on the mend and unemployment in South Carolina having dropped by half during her first tenure?
As it turned out, he had no hope of winning, as he lost by a little more that 14 percent of the vote.
In both gubernatorial elections, Sheheen lagged behind Haley by 9 percentage points a month out, said Huffmon. In 2010, Sheheen regained 5 percent of the vote in the waning weeks. This time with allegations of ethics violations and extramarital affairs a distant rumble, Haley took the same 5 percent and won going way with 180,000 more votes, the pollster said.
Another bellwether of voter anger, or lack thereof in South Carolina, may have been the scant number of incumbents challenged by opposing major party candidates. Of the 124 seats in the S.C. House, only 35 of them involved more than one party. That meant 89 candidates in 124 seats faced no challenger, as described more fully in Palmetto Politics below.
No one in the state Senate is up for reelection for another two years.
Additionally, voter apathy seemed to have replaced voter anger. Consider that nearly 44 percent of registered voters turned out for the election, one of the lowest turnouts in years, even for a midterm election.
Huffmon said that only about 35 percent of voting-aged residents actually voted in the Tuesday’s election, since the percentage of those who are also registered to do so is so low in South Carolina.
“I guess the moral of the story is to vote in mid-terms when your vote counts even more,” said Huffmon, with a laugh. “Yay, democracy?!”
Bill Davis is senior editor of Statehouse Report. He can be reached at: billdavis@statehousereport.com.
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